Abstract

This paper attempts to investigate how the media has constructed, deconstructed, and influenced fundamental questions about democracy in Pakistan—considering how democratic ideals might provide a framework for understanding and shaping modern digital media transformation. The study of the digitalization of politics looks into how modern societies make sense of and shape the digital transformation. This paper examines and evaluates the strategies, competencies, and practices that contribute to the governance, democracy, and regulation of digitalization, as well as its societal consequences. The role of the media in either supporting or opposing democracy promotion activities that have an impact on the region's democratization in Pakistan. An exploratory and descriptive research method was used in the study. Attempts have been made to incorporate all relevant and significant dimensions and characteristics of the media, society, and their impacts.

Key Words

Pakistan, Democracy, Governance, Digital Media, Society

Introduction

Not only do the media influence public opinion, but it also shapes the structure & systems of mass discourse, collective decision, and the democratic system. The result of interplay, as well as the dissemination of knowledge, has revolutionized the face into the "a borderless society," a genuine concept of Marshal McLuhan, & human civilization and society can not even cultivate in the early modern era without organized, structured interaction & intellect ( (Hungbo, 2007). Whereas the mainstream media has a significant effect on political & government actors, policymakers seem to have an impact on the mainstream press through the regulatory frameworks, mediation, specific access to information, or other means. (Esser, Frank; Strömbäck, Jesper, 2014). The belief is that the media has a significant impact on the formation of knowledge as well as perception. The formation is recognized as a schema with the possibility to incorporate diverse conceptual strands, connecting micro-level procedures & manifestations with micro & macro level mechanisms and circumstances, and therefore donating to a comprehensive understanding of the media's role in the modernization of civilized democracies (Mazzoleni, Gianpietro; Schulz, Winfried, 1999). People examine & investigate the message's information; then it is evident that precise reporting and very well action on the basis of preconceived notions of creditability & integrity (Gaziano & McGrath, 1986; Metzger et al., 2003).

The representation, discovery, & experiments of someone's individuality through media is an instinctual part of the human condition. Real-life agencies are an origin of identities for different sectors that motivate societies and indeed the interrelations they have throughout one. Understanding the motivations of agencies is critical for understanding group interactions on media platforms. This interaction allows people to present themselves to others and decide how they want to be perceived; Exchange of information is important for the health of representative government for at least two major reasons.  For instance, it guarantees that community members make more informed, rational decisions instead of just continuing to act in misunderstanding or miscommunication. Furthermore, information serves as a "monitoring mechanism," guaranteeing that elected representatives maintain their sworn oath & undertake out the needs & desires of those who voted for them. A contentious association between both the government and the media is a requisite & wholesome element of properly operational democracies in certain civilizations (Couldry, Nick, Hepp, Andreas, 2013). Rather than any kind of clear motivating factors of professional responsibility for the consequences of news reporters, the elements often used for shaping the narrative are explanatory of political inclinations & "game framing, wherein the process that influences are regarded as organizational strategic contests" (McLeod et al., 2017). This might result in a rise in people's perceptions of biased media. (Willnat et al., 2019).

Ideological & Political participation can be defined as taking part in a 'political' initiative. Based on the mode, concentration, & reliability of willingness to participate, participation in politics is perceived that way (Geraint., Parry, 1972). The primary goal of participatory democracy is to assure people that people have the opportunity to take part in and even be engaged in matters that affect them. The concept of participatory democracy was constructed by Jean-Jacques Rousseau & later promoted by J.S. Mill & G. D. H. Cole, who contended that democratic engagement is obligated for the accomplishment of a just societal structure. In response to the growing deep mistrust around government and its citizens, Ireland authorized and use of an individuals' assembly labeled "We the Citizens" to implement the use of a participatory democratic body to enhance democratic legitimacy. In 2011, Ireland authorized the use of a citizens' assembly titled "We the Citizens" to pilot the use of a participatory democratic body to increase political legitimacy in response to following the 2008 economic crisis (Landemore, Hélène, 2020).

Ever since freedom, Pakistan has had multiple systems of government, which include Martial Law, Presidential and Parliamentary. The 1956 constitution established a parliamentary form of Government in Pakistan; however, the constitution was reprimanded two years later, & General Ayub Khan sanctioned military rule in 1958. while through U the 1962 constitution, Ayub Khan formed the presidential system, launching Pakistan's system of basic democracies (Inayatullah, Sarah Inayatullah, Sohail Inayatullah, 1997). This structure, however, could not accomplish in Pakistan due to massive corruption, rigged elections, & favouritism. Due to the influence of governmental institutions over political structures, Pakistan has not fixed the concentration centralization of democratic governance over its seventy-four-year historical past. This is demonstrated by the complete absence of enshrined in the constitution roots, a completely autonomous judiciary, a very well party system, & democratic elections, which may be held fairly (M. Waqas & M. Khattak, 2017).




Defining Democracy

Several authors have highlighted the various and normative interpretations of the term "democracy," which also varied from such a system of values towards which we strive to a set of lawfully organized organizational procedures. "Political rhetoric is not an impartial means of communication that communicates autonomously established concepts; it is an institutional framework of interpretations that directs political action and thought under certain instructions," cautioned William Connolly in The Regarding political Rhetoric. Becoming "democratic" as well as surviving in a "democracy" can refer to the relevant things: the preservation of individual rights; fair representation national structures; the coordination of political authority with the overall will of the citizens; the presumption of one individual experiencing one vote; civic norms for continuing to act "as if" everybody were equal; or greater autonomy & sociocultural maneuverability as calculated by a supposedly free-market economy (D. Howarth, 2008). Some further expanded but rather contemporary interpretations of representative government are as follows:

Every theory of the social universe must consist of the representation of the social world that agents have and, more specifically, the environments in which they operate to the construction of the perception of such a world, as well as to the very construction of that world (Pierre Bourdieu, 1987)

Dr. Harald Wydra contends in his book Communism and the Emergence of Democracy that such transformation of democratic governance should never be regarded as a primarily prescriptive or stationary theory, rather than as a continuing "process which involves meaning formation." During all of the historical past, peoples choices interpretations of "democratic governance" or "democratic" improvement as a perpetual & foreseeably never-ending social construction framework that helps for alternative opinions (Harald Wydra, 2007)

Democracy is an arrangement of administration for the entire population, typically through elected representatives b. a state governed in this manner c. any organization guided by democratic principles (Oxford Concise Dictionary, 2021)

The Vienna Declaration on Human Rights states: "Democracy is based on the freely expressed will of the people to determine their own political, economic, social and cultural systems and their full participation in all aspects of their lives" (Charles O. Blaha, 2012).




Democracy as Temperament

From the above discussion and definitions of democracy, it can be highlighted that one must adopt democracy as a temperament. James' definition of the concept "democratic temperament" also includes an intention to participate, putting the collective welfare ahead of individual comfort, becoming generous to oppositions, & tolerance and respect between many residents of differing perspectives, racial groups, gender identities, categories, & belief systems. Miller seems to see this mental stability as a better and healthier counterbalance to the viciousness that distinguishes so much existing political conversation, which really is accurately why James' observations are so timely. For Miller, "The health and stability of a modem democracy depend, not only on the justice of its 'basic structure' but also on the qualities and attitudes of its citizens "(Miller, J. I., & Wolin, S, 2021). Democracy can be explained as different paradigms. They are as follows: 1. Democracy is more than just a procedure, with all of its mechanisms, processes, & technicalities — from political entity to election process. 2. Democracy as just a country, or state (un etat, the French version, which communicates this significance more precisely than most of its English contemporaries), with everything this situation presumes for a specified civilized society and its democratic accountability, which include democratic systems and potentially democratic outcomes. 3. As a result of democracy, policies, and procedures that are normally consented upon with the governed are incorporated. Such a consequence might be the consequence of a state or condition, or it might be the direct consequence of democratic principles (John Dunn, 1993)




Mass Media as Marketplace of Ideas

The national discourse sparked by media attention will expose the truth in political squabbles, enabling the best plans to arise. As per the U.S. Supreme Court, "fact will eventually prevail" in "an unrestrained marketplace of ideas" since many viewpoints will be understood (Red Lion Broadcasting Co. v. FCC 1969). In actuality, the constant barrage of viewpoints in today's modern idea marketplace regularly causes confusion. Non-experts are confused instead of enlightened by it (Gregory Brazeal, 2011).




Cultivation Theory of Media

Cultivation theory is a communications and sociological framework that contends that long-term media exposure shapes how media consumers perceive the world and conduct themselves in life (Riddle, 2010). Cultivation theory (or cultivation analysis) was developed in the 1960s by Hungarian-born American professor George Gerbner to investigate the impact of television on viewers (Gerbner, 1969). Larry Gross, an American screenwriter, later expanded and developed Gerbner's findings. According to this theory, those who are exposed to media interpret social realities based on how such realities are portrayed in the media. Television's ability to stabilise and homogenise views within a society is an example of cultivation theory. Children who watch commercial television have significantly more sex-stereotypical views of women and men than children who do not. During the preliminary stage of research, the potential impact of exposure to violence on television program viewers was of particular interest (Settle, 2018). Gerbner's introduction of cultivation theory was a component of the larger Cultural Indicators Project, a research study commissioned by the National Violence Commission (Gerbner, Gross, Morgan & Signorielli, 1986).

Digitalization & Mediatization of Politics

The procedures through which the mainstream media impacts other segments of society, including democracy, industry, heritage, infotainment, games, religious doctrine, youth development, etc., is recognized as mediatization. Mediatization is generally understood as a transformation or pattern comparable to increased efficiency and productivity, wherein the mainstream media become much more assimilated into the other sections of the community. Political forces, media personalities, corporate entities, civil society groups, and others could customize their communication systems to the requirements and desires of the mainstream media – a concept recognized as media logic. To attract to the mainstream media, each and every individual or company that desires to reach a wider audience should indeed reconfigure their signals as well as conversational skills (Bartholomew, Mark, 2017)

 "mediatization" process refers to a wider cultural characteristic in which the mainstream media structures identities & permeates all categories of everyday social interactions in new & powerful directions. Together in wider scope historical background, mediatization may also refer to a particular phase & characteristic of contemporary current societal transformation. As per Hjarvard, it is a methodology wherein "the mainstream media have become interconnected into the processes of other social structures institutions & cultural realms, even while obtaining the social standing of social institutions in their very own right" (Hjarvard, 2013). while Strömbäck (2008) outlined four interrelated parameters in which governance can be somewhat mediatized: (A) the scope wherein the mainstream media is the predominant source of knowledge on society & politics, (B) the degree to which the media is independent of political facilities in order of how it is governed, & (C) the magnitude to which digital information is controlled by its own regulations. (D) the severity to which political actors are governed by media logic (Strömbäck, 2008).

Globally, information & communication technologies (ICTs) have changed the way people communicate. The digitalization of social interaction via mobile devices aided the globalization of political & personal events in life, such as political advertising, elections, & violent protests. Social media platforms accumulate & generate social knowledge from all around the world instantly. One might believe that modern ICTs respectively consider sharing as well as encouraging social information (Friedland LA, Hove T & Rojas H, 2006). Individual, cultural, ideological, & knowledge transfer actually occur on social platforms. Citizens are can get used to communicating & deliberating on a global and regional level online. Structured evolution of ideological online debates to digital decision making can provide a possibility for democratic governments to raise their standards of social interaction & safeguard participatory democracy in a rapidly increasing digital sociality (Downey J & Fenton N, 2003)

"The strength of narratives is precisely their ability to shape and institutionalize norms and power distribution in our human communities." The technology could either positively or negatively affect democratic institutions depending on how it is used and also who controls mechanisms. It really is increasingly governed by a small number of individuals (Dahlberg L, 2010). Digitalization's transformative power cannot be exaggerated. The consequences can be seen both inside and throughout boundaries, such as in regards to political involvement, production of knowledge, & political constructs (Fuller M, 2004).




Democracy and Pakistan at a Glance 

Since its independence, Pakistan has always preferred a constitutional democracy. Its own founders passionately endorsed & highlighted a democratic government that might preferably permeate Pakistan's governance model & representative body; Quaid Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah's discourse somewhere at Staff College on June 14, 1948, testifies to his unquestioning democratic values as a corresponding structure for Pakistan's system of governance to render it relaxed and friendly as well as welfare nation. A further fact is that after 1947, Quaid Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah set the basis for non-democratic patterns by consolidating the Muslim League, disintegrating the non-democratically elected Sindh Assembly, & constructing the Government of Khan Sahab in the NWFP. Notwithstanding this, the system he selected & favoured for Pakistan is undeniably democracy (Callard, Keith. 1957).

In contrast to dreams, hopes, and promises, Pakistan offers a tumultuous history of democracy with an unstable democratic process. Contrary to popular belief,  Pakistan's constitution has indeed been abolished two times (1958 and 1969) & reprimanded three times (Rizvi, H. A, 2000). (1977, 1999, & 2007). Army generals had already chosen to take over even more than half of the country's democratic politics. The military has ousted from power five legitimate governments. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, Pakistan's founder of ideological liveliness & mass-based democracy, had been brutally slaughtered by judicial murder. Ex-prime ministers have already been exiled, as have Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto (Siddiqa, Ayesha, 2007).

Media in Pakistan

Autonomous electronic mass media outlets in Pakistan are progressively becoming the emphasis, instead of the origin, of reports more about the nation. They were deregulated in 2002, which are seen as a substantiation of Pakistan's democratic tendency. Pakistan's digital media infrastructure has a "schizophrenic" inclination because it is "both free and fettered." On just one side, factors of media freedom have substantially improved recently. Pakistani reporters, but on the other hand, experience difficulties. Their profession is highly hazardous; in 2010, more journalists were killed in Pakistan than in any country. In addition, the Pakistan army continues to maintain "information vacuums" inside the country's tribal regions. Both the current democratic government & the military are dysfunctional (Abbas, H, 2015). The media landscape in Pakistan represents a multilingual, multi-ethnic, & class-divided community. There is indeed a distinct difference respectively English & Urdu media. The general public reads Urdu media, particularly newspapers, particularly in rural areas. English media, in contrast to Urdu mainstream press, seems to be more metropolitan & elite centered and also more progressive & professional. Although English print, television, & radio stations have had far lower ratings than Urdu contemporaries, they impose much more authority between many media pundits & policymakers (Madiha Afzal, 2017).

As per a report from the UK Foreign Office, Pakistani media landscape has continued to build &, throughout many contexts, prosper. Ever since its founding in 2002, the number and diversity of news organizations have developed to the point in which Pakistanis have now significantly larger access to a wide variety of televising via print, tv, and movies, & social content than it has ever been before. The intense media insertion into so many different facets of Pakistani living has generated both major challenges as the journalistic group and also officials & politicians gain knowledge about efficient freedom of speech and expression and responsible reporting (Hameed Haroon, 2018).




The Electronic Media Market's Size and Growth in Pakistan

Subsequently after 2002, media deregulation has resulted in an increase in the number and size of private satellite TV & cable outlets. In this context, Pakistan now has more than a hundred TV channels, more than four thousand cable operators, while more than forty overseas landing Television channels, for example, BBC, CNN, & others. While Total viewers that watch TV are 144 million, from which 44 million watch terrestrial and 96 million watching satellite & cable. More than 30 private news channels only show news and current affairs programs. During the same time period, the number of journalists increased from around 2,000 to over 20,000. The total number of people employed in the mass media business was estimated to be around 300,000. Between 2002 and 2018, Pakistan's electronic media industry received a total investment of US$4-5 billion (GOP, 2020b).

Furthermore, The Pakistan Electronic Media Regulatory Authority (PEMRA) expects new licensees to bring in $2-$3 billion in investment. Throughout Pakistan, 70percent of the total of the population seems to own a broadcast tv, with 1 billion, especially with younger people viewing two hours per day, a decrease from 240 minutes a decade ago. 70% of the content viewed is for personal enjoyment, whereas 19% is for news. The above expansion of the media market can be traced to better economic fundamental concepts, higher total income, an increase in the consumer society, as well as a growing marketing segment (Gallup, Pakistan, 2021)




Media Ownership and Audience Deliberation

In Pakistan, media concentration is extremely high, both in terms of audience & ownership segment. This trend limits the public's access to information sources. As a result, media coverage & interpretation diversification & pluralism seem to be limited.  while  In terms of digital & electronic media concerns, Pakistan's top four TV channels are Geo News 24 %, ARY 12 %, PTV News 11 %, while Samaa TV seven % had a combined audience share of 68.3 percent at the end of 2018. However, the situation varies greatly depending on the genre of electronic media (Aurora, Magazine, 2020)

The public debate and its contents shape how people perceive things, how policies, occurrences, incidents, & modifications are explained, & whether they have been evaluated by all those who make a difference. Politics was the most commonly debated topic (72 percent), preceded by 'Health' (4 percent), 'Terrorism' (3 percent), 'Economy' (2 percent), 'Education' (2 percent), and 'Sports' (2 percent). Politics' hegemony anywhere at expense Concern has been raised about physical wellbeing, the economic system, & society overall. The proportion of the ten investigated talks shows in these shows, t The average amount of time spent talking by the presenter was 42%. This paints a grim picture of allowing time to keynote speakers & anchors even while intercepting the display. Instead of being an information regulator for the program (Din, U. N, 2020)

Enhanced role of Social media in Politics

Innovative internet & social media got an effect on political interaction across both industrialized and developing economies, with developed nations containing the brunt of the damage given the proliferation of the World wide web (Riaz, 2010). Social networking sites have a major impact on internet users' political and social memorization, especially among the youth (Khan & Shahbaz, 2015). 

While especially in comparison to certain other social media platforms like Twitter, by far Facebook is the most popular platform for political knowledge among many Youngsters. As per a new analysis, Pakistan seems to have the world's second-biggest younger population, trailing only Yemen, that has had a massive effect on Pakistan's political dynamics (Ittefaq & Iqbal, 2018). Pakistani political parties are actively using social media, which has altered the dynamics of Pakistani politics (Eijaz, 2013).

Pakistan has 44.61 million Internet users, according to the most recent statistics. Of many of these social media users, thirty seven million are dynamic social media users. There are 36 million Facebook users, 6.30 million Instagram users, 1.26 million Twitter users, 2.15 million Snapchat users, as well as 5.10 million using LinkedIn. Moreover, 41percent of subscribers are in-between age group of 18 & 24, with 36% between both the age group of 25 and 34. Because of these facts and figures, young people constitute the majority of internet and social media users in Pakistan (We Are Social, 2019).




Assessing the impact of media on Politics and Democracy

Reporters without Borders currently Ranked Pakistan

at 145th position from out 180 countries when it comes to press freedom in its 2020 Press Freedom Index. As per the latest Reporters Without Borders study, press freedom has improved significantly in recent years (Agencies, 2020).

Military dictators in Pakistan have historically greatly constrained freedom of the press. While General Musharraf, but from the other hand, passed legislation that substantially liberalized the digital media, conceivably in an apparent effort to use the mainstream press to the benefit of his regime. This (particularly on television programs) distributed and yet established power connections opposed the formation of opposing opinions & voices, culminating in a ubiquitously unquestioning mainstream media position towards to the defense department. Moreover, the military dictatorship implementation of controls also includes intelligence officers trying to infiltrate media companies & informal purchasing of journalists' services to help suppress media independence (O'Hara, Carolyn, 2008). 

States has regularly used the media as an instrument for political-strategic rhetoric. For example, in the 1980s and 1990s, United States mainstream press was also used for political as well as military activities. A few more examples also include characterization of the Soviet Union as a 'Evil Empire,' also the Saddam episode as well as the 'Weapons of Mass Destruction,'  story and Osama Bin Laden's reinvention from a 'Freedom Fighter to something like a Terrorist.' The media, on the other hand, is no longer under government control, and also its responsibility is emerging from a perceiver to an important partner in decision making processes. Politicians & government officials have now become increasingly dependent on the mainstream media to interact & protect their policy initiatives. in this way, the media, is more anti-government might very well generate more business,' is considered as a significant element in their achievement (Müller, L, 2014).

In the face of inordinate restrictions imposed, content checking, journalistic dangers, and also an unsustainably high generating income framework, the mainstream media remains vulnerable. The  regime, army, intelligence officials, judicial system, & non state actors including such terrorist organisations manipulate this security vulnerabilities as aspect of their political struggle for power. The media, on the other hand, persists to confront &, for the most part, honouring an unofficial set of red lines: hardly a criticism of the army or intelligence agencies, and also no critique of religious doctrine. Correspondents & news sources who cross the above lines are regularly precluded, assaulted, or even worse. Those who do so are under threat by not only the government and relevant departments, as well as by extremist groups. As a result of state threats and intimidation tend to range from refusing to release advertising money to perpetrating hate social campaigns, many reporters & their business owners have transformed to self censorship. The administration's hegemonic factor that determines what knowledge can be created and also who acquires it is meaningful. Their authority over knowledge and information is affecting public perception. The ineffectiveness of PEMRA's cross-ownership regulatory frameworks has resulted in the concentration of power  & wealth in the grip of a few national power elite (Akbar, M.W., Raza, R.R., Numan, W.D, Zai, N.A, 2013). So according Wahab (2011), national television programs maintain social hierarchy, present only secure perspectives, & promote elite ideological beliefs (Wahab, A. J, 2011).

Due to this new centralization of power, the government has conveniently control over the media. It has since gained a reputation by being both dynamic & critical of the government. Private news networks now hold tremendous power; several evening newscasters are famous people, & their program have a major impact on public perception. Several news outlets, by other means, have a track record for being sensationalist & careless, and that they are suspected of instigating political chaos, commandeering diplomatic relationships, and encouraging religious fundamentalism. Sadiq et al. (2021) found that Pakistan's electronic communication industry fosters stress, anxiety, & negative reporting, yet few Covid-19 awareness programs exist (Sadiq, N., Laila, U., Mehmood, T., & Shafique, M. S, 2021). Similarly, Hassan (2014) evidenced that commercial digital & electronic media continues to glamorise & inspire several of the terrorists' motives (Hassan, K, 2014). 

After many of major media outlets were liberalised in 2002, the industry began establishing a prestige as a replacement political institution by transmitting stories concerning state corruption and economic delivery of services. This perspective was reaffirmed even during pro-democracy "lawyers' movement," a social movement social unrest that occurred respectively 2007 & 2009 and insisted an independent judiciary as well as a restore to civilian control. In response to a call for his decision to resign, General Musharraf fired the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court in March 2007, igniting mobility for his reinstatement. above mentioned  lawyers' demonstration grew quickly into a pro-democracy movement which anyone with availability to a television could observe, factors such as growing support from students, middle class professionals, as well as civil society..

The media's opportunity to perform a democratizing responsibility throughout this timeframe was assisted by the sector's development. Following the relaxation of ownership laws in 2007, media growth accelerated, while 30 new television channels registered in 2008, particularly in comparison to 17 in 2007 & three in 2006. due to this expansion, t he broadcasting media was ready to access a space for previously unknown viewpoints by using material from the shareholders of new tv channels as well as Fm radio, and also the general public within the form of an incredibly bigger, interactive audience. The Pakistani media landscape is more inclusionary & representing the interests than before, due to the development of the broadcast media industry, which includes the opening of various channels in the nation's multiple local languages. The above media decentralisation represents latest political patterns in Pakistan, especially the transfer of power first from federal government to the provincial governments and then to local Government (Azam, Muhammad, 2008)

Watchdog, Custodian, or Ideological Bent

There appears to be very little reason to suspect that Pakistani media's representative democracy growth has happened to coincide with the country's widening of democratic opening. Nevertheless, it is uncertain how many of Pakistan's democratic transition can be attributed to the media.

Pakistan's media environment is a jumbled mess. On one side, there is significant evidence that perhaps the media was always attempting to play a democratization responsibility. The growth of nationwide, Urdu language networks, and also rapidly growing regional language channels & social media outlets, through particular, reinforces the media's gate - keeping capabilities, endorsing tolerance and acceptance in Pakistan's split state. The media, on the other hand, remains a threat to harassment, persuasion, and/or economic and legal constant pressure, especially from state agents, restricting media companies' capacity to act as agenda setters & The proliferation of self-governing, privately run telecast media channels over the last decade or has been largely viewed as among the most important developments in Pakistan’s  political evolution, enabling young political actors to participate for power and influence with existing political organizations. Since Pakistan's transition to democracy persists, the mainstream media may have more chance to participate a more essential role in accountability – advising the public, cultivating open and free public discussion, and carrying authorities answerable. Pakistan's digital media & political freedom has remained untouched by governmental regulations & threats to online expression. weak in 2020-21. In conjunction with International Internet Day, which is observed on October 29, the Institute for Research, Advocacy, and Development (IRADA) published a report titled 'Regulation Repressions Midst epidemic: State of Digital Media Freedoms in Pakistan 2021.' "In the annual report on internet freedom, Pakistan's online freedom and liberty managed to remain under potential danger, with both the country having dropped to 25 points from out 100 in 2021 from 26 points in 2020." Despite recommendations from digital rights activists, the national government's information security bill is still in the works, as per the study (Ikram Junaid, 2021). 

Conclusion

The media in Pakistan has encountered many obstacles over the last 74 years. Censorship & regulatory constraints were imposed on it. The mainstream media has defended the ideologies that Country was established on. Commitments of the media to varying sectors of national security may elicit mixed responses, and yet Pakistani media has unquestionably managed to play a significant and fundamental responsibility to deal with crucial challenges for societal structure & democratic governance. With a few exceptions & shortcomings, the media plays a major role in the dissemination of information, informing, captivating, & bolstering community.

The mainstream media can never be faulted for all of current societal beneficial and harmful patterns. Factors must also be investigated in other areas. It would be a mistake to expect the media to take a lead in attempting to resolve societal problems by itself. Religious & political elites, intellectuals, & all other government entities, with media support, must all play a role. At the same time, Media of Pakistan cannot afford to ignore global media trends and forces.

Some other aspect of achieving maximum positive influence of social media & other internet-based media in Pakistan is indeed to promote technological literacy all through the country. International actors can play a vital role in aiding Pakistani civil society in spreading awareness about digital security, secrecy, theft of data, as well as other forms of best online procedures.

Eventually, a credible media will be best capable of representing Pakistani citizens & impact democratic governance. Given the economic constraints & powerful interests of the Pakistani media, the world community may well be ideally placed to improve conditions. The quality of Pakistan's media output is excellent. Endure considerable institutional capacity by providing institutional support to academic institutions & journalistic integrity. Institutions of higher learning, and a boost in journalistic Short term training programmes, deliver expert knowledge. And at last, a well-respected media will be better suited to portray Pakistani citizens as well as positively influence democratic institutions. 

References

• Afzal, M. (2017). Democracy in Pakistan: Elections tell us why voters behave badly. VoxDev. https://voxdev.org/topic/institutions- political-economy/democracy-pakistan- elections-tell-us-whypoliticians-behave-badly.
• Agencies. (2020). Reporters without Borders blasts Imran's remarks on press freedom. DAWN.COM.
• Aurora, M. (2020). Media Advertising Spend FY 2019-20. https://aurora.dawn.com/news/1143946.
• Azam, M. (2008). Radicalization and Media. Conflict and Peace Studies, 1. PIPS 2
• Bartholomew, M. (2017). Adcreep: The Case Against Modern Marketing. Stanford Law Books.
• Blaha, C. O. (2012), Statement by the Delegation of the United States of America Human Rights Council 19th Session Geneva, Switzerland https://geneva.usmission.gov/2012/03/19/it em8/
• Bourdieu, P. (1987). What Makes a Social Class? On The Theoretical and Practical Existence Of Groups. Berkeley Journal of Sociology, 32, 1-17. http://www.jstor.org/stable/41035356.
• Brazeal, G. (2011). How Much Does a Belief Cost? Revisiting the Marketplace of Ideas. Southern California Interdisciplinary Law Journal, 21(1), 2- 10
• Callard, K. (1957). Pakistan: A Political Study. London : George Allen & Unwin,
• Couldry, N., & Hepp, A. (2013). Conceptualizing Mediatization: Contexts, Traditions, Arguments. Communication Theory, 23(3), 191- 202. https://doi.org/10.1111/comt.12019.
• Dahlberg, L. (2010) Cyber-libertarianism 2.0: A Discourse theory/critical political economy examination. Cultural Politics 6(3), 331-356.
• Din, U. N. (2020). Pakistan media. Media Landscapes: Maastricht, The Netherlands. https://medialandscapes.org/country/pakistan
• Downey, J., & Fenton, N. (2003). New Media, Counter Publicity and the Public Sphere. New Media & Society, 5(2), 185-202. https://doi.org/10.1177/1461444803005002 003
• Dunn, J. (1993). Democracy: the unfinished journey 508 BC-AD, Oxford University Press,
• Esser, F., & Strömbäck, J. (2014). Mediatization of Politics. Palgrave Macmillan.
• Friedland, L. A., Hove, T., & Rojas, H. (2006). The Networked Public Sphere. Javnost - The Public, 13(4), 5-26. https://doi.org/10.1080/13183222.2006.110 08922.
• Fuller, M. (2004). Behind the Blip: Essays on the Culture of Software. London: Pluto Press.
• Gallup, Pakistan (2021). Talk show content analysis. January. https://gallup.com.pk/.
• Gaziano, C., & McGrath, K. (1986). Measuring the concept of credibility. Journalism Quarterly, 63(3), 451-462.
• Geraint, P. (1972). Participation in politics. Anderson, Bryce. Manchester: Manchester University Press [Totowa, N.J.] Rowman and Littlefield.
• Gerbner, G. (1969). Toward
• Gerbner, G., Gross, L., Morgan, M., & Signorielli, N. (1986). Living with television: The dynamics of the cultivation process. Perspectives on Media Effects, 17-40.
• GOP (Government of Pakistan) (2020b). Pakistan Economic Survey 2019-2020. Islamabad: Finance Division.
• Hassan, K. (2014). The role of private electronic media in radicalising Pakistan. The Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs, 103(1), 65-81
• Hjarvard, S. (2013). The mediatization of society and culture. London, England: Routledge
• Howarth, D. R. (2008). Ethos, Agonism and Populism: William Connolly and the Case for Radical Democracy. The British Journal of Politics and International Relations, 10(2), 171-193. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467- 856x.2007.00308.x
• Hungbo, J. (2007). Credible news measures: A medium's integrity. Nebula, 4(1), 276-284.
• Inayatullah, Inayatullah, S., & Inayatullah, S. (1997). The futures of democracy in Pakistan. Futures, 29(10), 955-970. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0016- 3287(97)00077-3
• Junaid, I. (2021) Digital media freedom in Pakistan remains weak: report https://www.dawn.com/news/1654587
• Landemore, H. (2020). Open democracy: reinventing popular rule for the twenty-first century. Princeton, New Jersey.
• Mazzoleni, G., & Schulz, W. (1999). https://doi.org/10.1080/105846099198613.
• McLeod, D. M., Wise, D., & Perryman, M. (2017). Thinking about the media: A review of theory and research on media perceptions, media effects perceptions, and their consequences. Review of Communication Research, 5, 35-83. https://doi.org/10.12840/issn.2255- 4165.2017.05.01.013
• Metzger, M. J., Flanagin, A. J., Eyal, K., Lemus, D. R., & McCann, R. M. (2003). Credibility for the 21st century: Integrating perspectives on source, message, and media credibility in the contemporary media environment. Annals of the International Communication Association, 27(1), 293-335.
• Michels, R. (1999). Political Parties. Amsterdam University Press.
• Miller, J. I., & Wolin, S. (2021). Democratic Temperament: The Legacy of William James. University Press of Kansas. https://doi.org/10.2307/j.ctv1p2gk0g
• Müller, L. (2014). Comparing mass media in established democracies: patterns of media performance. Springer
• O'Hara, C. (2008, February 20). Musharraf: I take all the credit for Pakistan's media freedom. Foreign Policy. https://foreignpolicy.com/2008/02/20/mus harraf-i-take-all-the-credit-for-pakistans-media- freedom
• Oxford University Press (OUP). (2021). democracy. Lexico.Com. https://www.lexico.com/definition/democra cy.
• Riddle, K. (2010). Always on my mind: Exploring how frequent, recent, and vivid television portrayals are used in the formation of social reality judgments. Media Psychology, 13(2), 155- 179.
• Rizvi, H. A. (2000). Pakistan in 1999: Back to square one. Asian Survey, 40(1), 208-218.
• Sadiq, N., Laila, U., Mehmood, T., & Shafique, M. S. (2021). Natural Calamities and Sensation in Media; A Study of Corona Virus Coverage in Electronic Media of Pakistan. Journal of Accounting and Finance in Emerging Economies, 7(1), 23-34. https://doi.org/10.26710/jafee.v7i1.1505
• Schaal, G.S., Helbig, K., Fleuss, D., & Schmidt, H. (2017). Measuring Democracy in the Age of Digitalization. Theoretical Issues, Methodological Concerns, and Exemplary Solutions.
• Settle, Q. (2018). Introducing Communication Theory: Analysis and Application. Journal of Applied Communications, 102(3). https://doi.org/10.4148/1051-0834.1223
• Siddiqa, A. (2007). Military Inc.: Inside Pakistan's Military Economy, Pluto Press 2007
• Strömbäck, J. (2008). Four phases of mediatization: An analysis of the mediatization of politics. The International Journal of Press/Politics, 13(3), 228- 246.
• Wahab, A. J. (2011). Television talk shows and the public sphere. Malaysian Journal of Communication, 27(2), 29-45
• Waqas, M., & Khattak, M. (2017). Democracy in Pakistan: Problems and Prospects in Making Informed Choices. International Journal of Social Sciences and Management, 4(1), 9-11. https://doi.org/10.3126/ijssm.v4i1.16225
• Willnat, L., Weaver, D. H., & Wilhoit, G. C. (2019). The American journalist in the digital age: How journalists and the public think about journalism in the United States. Journalism Studies, 20(3), 423-441.
• Wydra, Harald (2007).